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A

dvancing

T

he

K

ingdom

: K

ingdom

H

ouse

At the advent of the twentieth

century, St. Louis, Missouri was

the fourth largest city in the United

States; only New York, Chicago

and Philadelphia boasted greater

populations. Although St. Louis no

longer led the nation in the proportion of

its foreign-born citizens, a large number

of the 575,238 inhabitants were either

first or second generation Americans.

Nearly 20 percent of the city’s residents

were born outside the United States and

42 percent had foreign-born parents.

Less than a third of the population

were native-born whites born of native

parents; African-Americans constituted

6 percent of the citizenry. St. Louis

ranked seventh among the nation’s

twenty-five largest cities in number

of foreign-born inhabitants. Germans

dominated the immigrant groups, with

the Irish, English, Russian Jews, Poles,

Swiss and Bohemians following.

1

The majority of this ethnic

population was housed in the north

and south sections near the Mississippi

River as well as along the edges of

the expanding business district. The

tremendous population boom of the

latter nineteenth century, coupled with

the growth in industry and commerce,

in the absence of any city planning

whatsoever, had created not only the

magnificent mansions of the Gilded

Age, but the festering slums and

overcrowded tenements to which the

poor were consigned. Single-family

residences gave way to multi-family

tenements and boarding houses as

factories encroached. On the near north

side was the infamous Irish “Kerry

Patch,” known for its violence and

grinding poverty.

Journalists of the time – denounced

as “muckrakers” by President Theodore

Roosevelt – decried the conditions of

the urban poor. The most famous--Ida

Tarbell, Upton Sinclair and Jacob Riis

– took photographs and wrote of New

York and other teeming cities. But

St. Louis had its own commentators.

An 1878 account of children living on

the streets, called “Street Arabs” in the

language of the time (not as an ethnic

designation but to indicate their lack of

permanent residence, like the Bedouin

peoples of the Middle East), illustrates

how these homeless youth were viewed:

The Street Arab of both sexes in

St. Louis are divided into tribes or clans,

and susceptible of a classification into the

working Arabs and the thieving, heathenish

class. Among the first-named class may be…

the corps of boys who hang around to do

chores about houses, stores, shops, stables,

etc. Among the female Bedouins are to be

found match sellers, dealers in pins, needles,

combs, etc…

Then we meet another class of

Arabs, namely, the idle and vicious

ones, who neither seek nor wish to find

employment. These…juvenile pariahs…

are most numerous in the neighborhood

of…Seventh and Eighth streets…‘Kerry

Patch’ is celebrated for its bands of young

Bedouins…

2

This attitude had not changed by the

next century.

Like other larger U.S. cities, St. Louis

faced difficulties like crime, juvenile

delinquency, poverty and the disease

associated with an overcrowded urban

center. And like other metropolises,

the River City was under equipped

and lacked social service agencies to

tackle these problems. Public sentiment,

influenced by the emerging secular

discipline of Social Work as well as

the Christian Social Gospel, was only

beginning to include environmental

factors – by which they meant social

conditions in the broad sense – as

a cause of poverty. This marked a

decisive shift away from the earlier

belief that persons who were poor were

to be blamed for their plight. Like the

young intellectuals of Toynbee Hall,

who inspired New Yorkers as well as

A

P

hoto

:

A:

An immigrant family who

participated in the Sloan

Mission

A

t

the

advent of

the

twentieth

century

,

S

t

. L

ouis

, M

issouri was

the

fourth

largest

city

in

the

U

nited

S

tates

;

only

N

ew

Y

ork

, C

hicago

and

P

hiladelphia

boasted

greater

populations

.

2